{"id":16197,"date":"2021-02-05T11:28:37","date_gmt":"2021-02-05T11:28:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/post\/16197"},"modified":"2021-02-05T11:33:30","modified_gmt":"2021-02-05T11:33:30","slug":"%d0%bc%d0%b0%d0%ba%d0%b5%d0%b4%d0%be%d0%bd%d1%81%d0%ba%d0%b8%d0%be%d1%82-%d0%bf%d0%b0%d1%82-%d0%ba%d0%be%d0%bd-%d0%b1%d1%80%d0%b8%d1%81%d0%b5%d0%bb-%d0%b8%d0%b7%d0%bb%d0%b5%d0%b3%d1%83%d0%b2%d0%b0","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/en\/post\/16197?lang=sq","title":{"rendered":"Rruga e Maqedonis\u00eb drejt Brukselit: Thyerja e rrethit magjeps\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"

Autore: Malinka Ristevska Jordanova<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00eb n\u00eb fund duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se BE-ja nuk mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb recet\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe t\u00eb na dhuroj\u00eb nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb kemi vizionin dhe planin ton\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb me nj\u00eb veterane tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE nga rajoni, iu ankova saj duke i th\u00ebn\u00eb: “Ne e mor\u00ebm karrot\u00ebn e cop\u00ebtuar”. Pastaj, ajo komentoi: “Kurse ne, n\u00eb rende”. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb takoheshim tani, me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb do t’i thoja: “Ne e mor\u00ebm shkopin. Kurse merituam nj\u00eb karrot\u00eb t\u00eb madhe dhe t\u00eb \u00ebmb\u00ebl”. P\u00ebr dik\u00eb jasht\u00eb “rrethit t\u00eb integrimit evropian”, nuk do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e qart\u00eb se p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb po flisnim. Si nx\u00ebn\u00ebs\/student\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb integrimit evropian, ne kemi m\u00ebsuar rr\u00ebfimin kryesor: q\u00eb politika e kusht\u00ebzimit do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebsh nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrblim (“karrot\u00eb”), n\u00ebse i plot\u00ebson kushtet, dhe n\u00ebse jo – merr nj\u00eb nd\u00ebshkim (“shkop”).<\/p>\n

Rasti i Maqedonis\u00eb i vitit 2020 tregoi (ose konfirmoi) se mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta. N\u00ebse i plot\u00ebsoni kushtet, mund t\u00eb mos merrni karrot\u00ebn, por shkopin.<\/p>\n

Bllokime t\u00eb reja t\u00eb qasjeve t\u00eb reja<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Kur Maqedonia aplikoi p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE n\u00eb vitin 2004, Brukseli na d\u00ebrgoi nj\u00eb mesazh – “Rruga p\u00ebr n\u00eb Bruksel \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmes Ohrit”. Dhe k\u00ebshtu zbatuam Marr\u00ebveshjen Korniz\u00eb t\u00eb Ohrit, e cila i dha fund kriz\u00ebs nd\u00ebretnike t\u00eb vitit 2001. Dy vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb mor\u00ebm mesazhin – “Rruga p\u00ebr n\u00eb Bruksel \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmes Presp\u00ebs”. Dhe k\u00ebshtu ndryshuam emrin (Maqedonia e Veriut), sepse at\u00eb e k\u00ebrkoi Greqia, pavar\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb vendimi t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Por, vitin e kaluar rruga p\u00ebr n\u00eb Bruksel u mbyll p\u00ebrs\u00ebri. Tani Bullgaria synon t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb trasen\u00eb (itinerarin) e Maqedonis\u00eb drejt Brukselit – k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb p\u00ebrmes Sofjes. E dini \u00e7ka? N\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb. E dini pse? Sepse Bullgaria d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb identitetin maqedonas, duke abuzuar me procesin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE dhe duke imponuar versionin e saj t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruar t\u00eb historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky version prek jo vet\u00ebm historin\u00eb maqedonase, por edhe historin\u00eb e Bashkimit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt e tij antifashiste. K\u00ebrkesat e pabazuara t\u00eb Bullgaris\u00eb\u00a0kan\u00eb pasoja t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb procesin e aderimit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb BE, por edhe n\u00eb procesin e zgjerimit n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Ato ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb rajon dhe BE, duke injektuar helm – ndezje nacionalizmi dhe konflikte, dhe k\u00ebshtu minojn\u00eb edhe stabilitetin.<\/p>\n

Vendet e tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, deri m\u00eb tani kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb Bullgarin\u00eb q\u00eb ta imponoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb “qasje t\u00eb re” n\u00eb procesin e aderimit, por nuk arrit\u00ebn ta parandalojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb bllokoj\u00eb, q\u00eb na solli deri n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb qorre. Aktualisht, politika e kusht\u00ebzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb komprometuar, kredibiliteti i BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb humbur, dhe k\u00ebshtu \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim edhe\u00a0metodologjia e re e rishikuar<\/a>\u00a0e zgjerimit. P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb i besuesh\u00ebm, procesi i aderimit duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb reale, kurse politika e tij e kusht\u00ebzimit \u2013 e bazuar n\u00eb merita. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, pyetja kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb se si Bashkimi Evropian p\u00ebrdor dy instrumentet themelore t\u00eb pranimit q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb duart e tij –\u00a0kontrollin e dinamik\u00ebs dhe agjend\u00ebn e tij<\/a>.<\/p>\n

BE-ja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme p\u00ebr zgjerim<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Aktualisht, procesi \u00ebsht\u00eb i ngadalt\u00eb dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi nuk duket i arritsh\u00ebm. BE-ja thjesht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zgjerim t\u00eb ri. E till\u00eb si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb, funksionon me v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi dhe nuk d\u00ebshiron an\u00ebtare t\u00eb reja, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti jo – an\u00ebtare “problematike”.<\/p>\n

Sa i p\u00ebrket agjend\u00ebs, ajo ka ndryshuar ndjesh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb viteve p\u00ebr vendet e rajonit. N\u00eb vitet e fundit, BE-ja me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb ka vendosur sundimin e ligjit n\u00eb plan t\u00eb par\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb minohet nga \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb lidhje dhe madje jan\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me parimet e shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs (sundimit t\u00eb ligjit) – t\u00eb tilla si vetoja bullgare, e cila tani \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb pranimit. K\u00ebshtu, nj\u00eb nga kushtet kryesore n\u00eb procesin e stabilizimim-asocimit – bashk\u00ebpunimi rajonal, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb mjeti pajtimi n\u00eb rajon, \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument presioni nga vendet n\u00eb rajonin e gjer\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme \u2013 an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, mbi vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tani e gatshme p\u00ebr zgjerim, BE-ja megjithat\u00eb d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor – p\u00ebr arsye gjeostrategjike dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur stabilitetin. Strategjia e re e zgjerimit v\u00eb n\u00eb pah “konkurrenc\u00ebn e fort\u00eb gjeopolitike”, e cila ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb kryesisht n\u00eb\u00a0ndikimin e Kin\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, por edhe Turqis\u00eb dhe vendeve t\u00eb Gjirit<\/a>. M\u00eb tej, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb rol vendimtar sa i p\u00ebrket menaxhimit me migracionin. N\u00eb konkurrenc\u00eb me \u00e7\u00ebshtjet gjeopolitike dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e stabilitetit n\u00eb loj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e ashtuquajtura “stabilokraci<\/a>“, n\u00eb krahasim me meritokracin\u00eb, e cila do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb dobi t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb efekt tjet\u00ebr an\u00ebsor i ndryshimit t\u00eb agjendave \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti q\u00eb jan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb anash \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla si mjedisi, energjia, tregu, arsimi, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsia\u2026 q\u00eb jan\u00eb me interes jet\u00ebsor p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e rajonit. Fakti \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje jan\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs rajonale, por ato nuk dominojn\u00eb n\u00eb diskurset komb\u00ebtare. Ajo q\u00eb dominojn\u00eb jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, por t\u00eb reflektuara p\u00ebrmes prizmit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare \u2013 si\u00e7 jan\u00eb konkurrenca e pafund e subjekteve politike mbi at\u00eb se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb (gjoja) m\u00eb i korruptuar dhe, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme, kush \u00ebsht\u00eb patrioti m\u00eb i madh.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb prapavajtje e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Politika e brisht\u00eb e kusht\u00ebzimit e BE-s\u00eb ka kontribuar n\u00eb\u00a0ngecje apo prapavajtje (regres) demokratike<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb rajonit. Elitat politike n\u00eb Ballkan jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr partizim politik. Kufijt\u00eb ishin shum\u00eb m\u00eb poroz\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb dhe populizmin joliberal sesa p\u00ebr importin e standardeve evropiane p\u00ebr efikasitetin energjetik, ndotjen\u2026 Reformat zyrtare pa p\u00ebrmbajtje ose zbatim (“kore\/l\u00ebvore t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebta<\/a>“) jan\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshme. Elitat konkurrojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur Brukselin (ose disave nga kryeqytetet e tij) p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar nj\u00eb favor ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb para nga portofoli i saj i kufizuar i para-aderimit,\u00a0n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm para qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb vet<\/a>.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb hapi pozitiv p\u00ebrpara, BE-ja dhe Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor hyn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rreth magjeps\u00ebs t\u00eb mosbesimit reciprok.<\/p>\n

Maqedonia e Veriut mund t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb shembull pozitiv – si n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb zgjidhjes s\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve, ashtu edhe sa i p\u00ebrket prioritetizimit t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs n\u00eb lidhje me BE-n\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, me bllokad\u00ebn e re nga Bullgaria, pik\u00ebrisht shembulli maqedonas u b\u00eb nj\u00eb ilustrim i shkall\u00ebs s\u00eb arritur t\u00eb\u00a0hipokrizis\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb procesin e p\u00ebrfarimit, e cila domosdo duhet t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcehet.<\/p>\n

Hapat e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm dhe alternativat<\/strong><\/h5>\n

N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb perspektive t\u00eb arritshme t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit, megjith\u00ebse d\u00ebshir\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb rajon, kryesisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur stabilitetin, p\u00ebr vite me rradh\u00eb BE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb shpik\u00eb “karrota” t\u00eb reja dhe t\u2019i cop\u00ebtoj\u00eb ato ekzistuese: shp\u00ebrblime t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb vogla. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje, BE-ja ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb gjithashtu p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi edhe bashk\u00ebpunimin rajonal, duke mb\u00ebshtetur K\u00ebshillin Rajonal dhe duke stimuluar forma sektoriale t\u00eb integrimit rajonal. Bashk\u00ebpunimi rajonal \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00eb, por jo i mjaftuesh\u00ebm.\u00a0Bashk\u00ebpunimi ekonomik rajonal thjesht<\/a>\u00a0nuk mund t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb konvergjenc\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb. Rajoni \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur me BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do aspekt, atij i duhet BE-ja.<\/p>\n

Gjetja e hapave plot\u00ebsues, leht\u00ebsues, alternativ\u00eb dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb veprime komplekse dhe diskurse konfuze. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 marr\u00ebveshjeve bilaterale t\u00eb stabilizimi-asocimit, ekzistojn\u00eb edhe marr\u00ebveshje rajonale (zona ekonomike rajonale, bashk\u00ebsia energjetike, bashk\u00ebsia e transportit, etj). Negociatat e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit po ndahen n\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb faza. Po shtohen planet e veprimit, udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesit, deklaratat, raportet… Mekanizmat e procesit (sidomos pas metodologjis\u00eb s\u00eb re t\u00eb zgjerimit) jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tep\u00ebr komplekse dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t’u prezantuar para qytetar\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duan t\u00eb besojn\u00eb se po afrohet an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb BE dhe do t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha problemet e tyre. Procesi i zgjatur dhe i brisht\u00eb ka rezultuar n\u00eb fshehjen e thelbit t\u00eb tij dhe humbjen e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tij transformuese, aq shum\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm dhe mir\u00ebpritur nga qytetar\u00ebt e rajonit. Dhe t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb – thelbi ishte t\u00eb ndajm\u00eb vlerat dhe standardet e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshjet e stabilizim-asocimit (MSA) tani jan\u00eb n\u00eb plan t\u00eb dyt\u00eb – dhe kryesisht\u00a0t\u00eb harruara si nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi<\/a>. N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, po jepen sugjerime dhe ide p\u00ebr korniza t\u00eb reja, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0Zona Ekonomike Evropiane<\/a>\u00a0(mendohet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb re – jo at\u00eb ekzistuese). Askush as nuk u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb mendonte se cilat do t\u00eb ishin negociatat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb propozim t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb ri (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb bllokadat e reja t\u00eb mundshme p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00ebdo arsye), cilat do t\u00eb ishin p\u00ebrfitimet shtes\u00eb t\u00eb tyre q\u00eb MSA-t\u00eb aktuale dhe marr\u00ebveshjet rajonale q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb, por edhe kur ato do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin t\u00eb disponueshme. M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, pse dhe kur BE-ja do t\u00eb ishte e gatshme t\u00eb ofronte p\u00ebrfitime shtes\u00eb, n\u00ebse p.sh. aktualisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb madje as thirrjet telefonike pa roaming midis rajonit dhe BE-s\u00eb, as ta rris\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm ndihm\u00ebn e para-aderimit?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, diskutimi n\u00eb rajon rreth marr\u00ebveshjeve (aranzhimeve) t\u00eb reja \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i gjall\u00eb se debati, bazuar n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn, mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si zbatohen marr\u00ebveshjet ekzistuese (nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt) dhe cilat jan\u00eb mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb pashfryt\u00ebzuara. Ajo q\u00eb mungon edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb debat m\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr zgjidhjet afatgjata. Koh\u00ebzgjatja e hapave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm dhe diskutimet mbi alternativat duket se p\u00ebrputhen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkryer me koh\u00ebn e cikleve t\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb brendshme dhe agjendat politike afatshkurtra. Kjo logjik\u00eb politike \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta e asaj q\u00eb i duhet BE-s\u00eb dhe rajonit – nj\u00eb qasje afatgjat\u00eb dhe e q\u00ebndrueshme. Jemi thell\u00eb n\u00eb grack\u00ebn e miopis\u00eb s\u00eb imponuar t\u00eb pragmatizmit politik.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr “pron\u00ebsis\u00eb<\/a>” m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal t\u00eb subjekteve n\u00eb rajon, ajo n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb madhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndar\u00eb teknikisht sipas sektor\u00ebve dhe nuk t\u00ebrheq shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje midis elitave politike t\u00eb Ballkanit. P\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme politike nuk ka q\u00ebndrim dhe z\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt politik nga rajoni, as lobim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb BE p\u00ebr definimin e prioriteteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Traseja (rruga) e shkurt\u00ebr \u2013 sfid\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Impulsi i par\u00eb pas zhg\u00ebnjimit t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb procesin e aderimit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmblidhet n\u00eb th\u00ebnien e famshme nga rajoni “besoi vetes dhe kalit t\u00ebnd “. N\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb po lind nj\u00eb tez\u00eb e re: “Ne do t’i zbatojm\u00eb reformat vet\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht nga BE-ja”. Krejt kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebse, mesazhet kryesore politike paralele jan\u00eb se ne nuk mund ta “b\u00ebjm\u00eb at\u00eb” pa negociata me BE-n\u00eb ose do ta b\u00ebnim pa BE-n\u00eb, por “si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrmill<\/a>“. Edhe\u00a0shkurajimi i qytetar\u00ebve maqedonas \u00ebsht\u00eb i ngjash\u00ebm<\/a>\u00a0– sondazhet e reja tregojn\u00eb se 56.1% p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht ose n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mase nuk pajtohen q\u00eb reformat mund t\u00eb zbatohen pa presion t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, nd\u00ebrsa 42.1% plot\u00ebsisht ose pjes\u00ebrisht pajtohen se autoritetet kan\u00eb kapacitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar reformat edhe pa presion t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

E ardhmja e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb maqedonase varet kryesisht nga fakti se sa rezistent do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi ndaj “goditjeve” t\u00eb reja t\u00eb imponuara nga jasht\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, kjo “rezistenc\u00eb e jashtme” do t\u00eb varet kryesisht nga fakti se sa rezistente do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Maqedonia ndaj sfidave t\u00eb saj t\u00eb brendshme. Vendi ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rritje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ekonomike, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn po e pengon ekonomia jo mjaft konkurruese dhe inovative, si dhe investimet e pakta n\u00eb kapitalin njer\u00ebzor, n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb kur nj\u00eb fuqi e kualifikuar pun\u00ebtore vazhdon t\u00eb ik p\u00ebrtej kufijve t\u00eb vendit. I ngadalt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe zhvillimi i korridoreve (infrastruktura e rrug\u00ebve, energjia, telekomunikacioni…), t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vog\u00ebl pa dalje n\u00eb det, nd\u00ebrsa me fondet e BE-s\u00eb me shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe po zhvilloheshin korridoret n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsi q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkasin BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Balanca n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebretnike mbahet kryesisht p\u00ebrmes ndarjes s\u00eb pushtetit midis elitave politike, i cili, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, lidhet me partizimin dhe klientelizmin, dhe ato vazhdimisht b\u00ebjn\u00eb presion dhe shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb institucionet. Pavar\u00ebsisht mbajtjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb ekuilibri delikat politik dhe etnik, shoq\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb subjekt i ndarjeve n\u00eb baza sociale, etnike dhe politike. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb vizioni dhe prioritizimi afatgjat\u00eb, si dhe nj\u00eb procesi cil\u00ebsor t\u00eb miratimit (dhe zbatimit) t\u00eb politikave dhe vler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tyre, qeveria maqedonase \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb furishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr pengesat e jashtme dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur prioritetet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, kryesisht t\u00eb planeve afatshurtra. Ata zakonisht i referohen zbatimit t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb rekomandimeve gjithashtu afatshkurtra nga Brukseli \u2013 deri n\u00eb raportin tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Komisionit Evropian dhe n\u00eb konkluzionet e ardhshme t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, por, paralelisht – p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar rezultate nga premtimet e dh\u00ebna zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Nevojitet nj\u00eb qasje e fresk\u00ebt<\/strong><\/h5>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb sfidat e shumta, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb maqedonase i duhet nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim i ri, nj\u00eb qasje e re, krejt\u00ebsisht e kund\u00ebrt me shkurajimin.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb n\u00eb fund duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se BE-ja nuk mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb recet\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe t\u00eb na dhuroj\u00eb mir\u00ebqenie. Ne duhet t\u00eb kemi vizionin ton\u00eb. N\u00eb zhvillimin dhe zbatimin e tij, duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetemi m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin dhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e asaj q\u00eb kemi n\u00eb dispozicion sesa t\u00eb ankohemi p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e kemi, sepse rrezikojm\u00eb t\u00eb humbim edhe at\u00eb kapital q\u00eb kemi – ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht njer\u00ebzor, i cili po lufton p\u00ebr rritje, k\u00ebtu dhe tani. P\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, kemi nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00eb me fuqi dhe institucione t\u00eb fuqishme. Na duhet BE-ja, por jo si nj\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb ton\u00eb, p\u00ebr institucionet tona, as si nj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb nga problemet tona. Ne duhet t\u00eb tregojm\u00eb kapacitetin e nj\u00eb partneri, e jo t\u00eb nj\u00eb “konsumatori”. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rol q\u00eb do ta vler\u00ebsonin shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, rruga drejt Brukselit \u00e7on vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes nesh, por jo t\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Ky mesazh ky\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb i vlefsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendet e tjera n\u00eb rajon, pavar\u00ebsisht konstatimit se “nuk ka asnj\u00eb rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb Bruksel”.<\/p>\n

Pas p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs me Maqedonin\u00eb, ka shum\u00eb pak gjasa q\u00eb Bashkimi Evropian t\u00eb jet\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb “importoj\u00eb” mosmarr\u00ebveshjet bilaterale. P\u00ebr t\u00eb thyer rrethin magjeps\u00ebs, oferta e Ballkanit p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e besueshme, bazuar n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve dhe institucioneve, sesa n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e elitave politike. P\u00ebr ndryshime n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim kemi nevoj\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb presion t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm nga sektori civil \u2013 nj\u00eb presion burimor, t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe parimor.<\/p>\n

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Bllogu fillimisht \u00ebsht\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb ResPublica<\/a>
\nFoto: sdk.mk<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Autore: Malinka Ristevska Jordanova M\u00eb n\u00eb fund duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se BE-ja nuk mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb recet\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe t\u00eb na dhuroj\u00eb nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb kemi vizionin dhe planin ton\u00eb. Pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb me nj\u00eb veterane tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE nga […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":16193,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[164,234],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-16197","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog","category-234"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nRruga e Maqedonis\u00eb drejt Brukselit: Thyerja e rrethit magjeps\u00ebs - EPI<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/en\/post\/16192\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"mk_MK\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Rruga e Maqedonis\u00eb drejt Brukselit: Thyerja e rrethit magjeps\u00ebs - EPI\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Autore: Malinka Ristevska Jordanova M\u00eb n\u00eb fund duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se BE-ja nuk mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb recet\u00eb p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe t\u00eb na dhuroj\u00eb nj\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. 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