{"id":13860,"date":"2019-10-14T11:46:33","date_gmt":"2019-10-14T11:46:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/post\/13860"},"modified":"2019-10-14T11:50:30","modified_gmt":"2019-10-14T11:50:30","slug":"%d0%bf%d1%80%d0%b5%d1%82%d1%81%d1%82%d0%be%d1%98%d0%bd%d0%b8%d0%be%d1%82-e%d1%81%d0%b5%d0%bd%d1%81%d0%ba%d0%b8-%d1%81%d0%b0%d0%bc%d0%b8%d1%82-%d0%bd%d0%b0-%d0%b5%d1%83-%d0%bf%d0%be%d1%87%d0%b5%d1%82","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/en\/post\/13860?lang=sq","title":{"rendered":"Samiti i ardsh\u00ebm i BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb: Fillimi i fundit apo fundi i fillimit t\u00eb aderimit t\u00eb vendit ton\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Procesi yn\u00eb i negociatave ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb subjekt i kritereve dhe monitorimit m\u00eb t\u00eb rrept\u00eb duke pasur parasysh p\u00ebrvojat e vendeve q\u00eb negociojn\u00eb aktualisht. K\u00ebto mekanizma p\u00ebrshkruhen n\u00eb vendimin e Bundestagut dhe ne me siguri do t’i shohim ato n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb negociatave q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb kushtet n\u00ebn t\u00eb cilat ne do t\u00eb zhvillojm\u00eb negociatat tona.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Para nj\u00eb viti e gjysm\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Presp\u00ebs, takimet e Samitit Evropian n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb perceptohen si nj\u00eb ngjarje q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb jemi apo jo pjes\u00eb e Evrop\u00ebs. Samiti i ardhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb mes t\u00eb tetorit 2019 nuk b\u00ebn p\u00ebrjashtim nga ky rregull. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e ardhshme, vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb ulen p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb tryez\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb provuar t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb nj\u00eb konsensus n\u00ebse do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin rekomandimin e Komisionit Evropian q\u00eb vendi yn\u00eb t\u00eb filloj\u00eb negociatat e pranimit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb muajin e kaluar, shtetet an\u00ebtare kan\u00eb diskutuar k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me rregullat e tyre komb\u00ebtare. Nj\u00eb pik\u00eb ky\u00e7e ishte mb\u00ebshtetja e fort\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb nga Bundestagu gjerman m\u00eb 26 shtator t\u00eb viti 2019, p\u00ebr fillimin e negociatave me Republik\u00ebn e Maqedonis\u00eb Veriore. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim jepet orientim i qeveris\u00eb gjermane q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb nj\u00eb monitorim m\u00eb t\u00eb rrept\u00eb t\u00eb negociatave, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr sundimin e ligjit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, edhe pse e mb\u00ebshteti rekomandimin e Komisionit p\u00ebr t\u00eb filluar negociatat me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, Bundestagu ka vendosur kushte shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb vend. Vendimi i Bundestag-ut q\u00eb detyron qeverin\u00eb gjermane t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb k\u00ebto udh\u00ebzime shihet si drit\u00eb n\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e faktor\u00ebve n\u00eb Gjermani p\u00ebr t\u00eb inkurajuar shtetet e tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb marrin nj\u00eb vendim pozitiv, duke mbajtur n\u00eb mend skepticizmin ende t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm n\u00eb disa prej tyre.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse q\u00ebndrimet e t\u00eb gjitha vendeve nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar plot\u00ebsisht, dihet q\u00eb ka paqart\u00ebsi n\u00eb lidhje me pozicionin e presidentit Makron, por ka edhe raste t\u00eb tilla si Hollanda ku ka mb\u00ebshtetje vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendin ton\u00eb, por jo edhe p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, ka vende an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, pozicioni i t\u00eb cilave p\u00ebrcaktohet kryesisht nga nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar stabilitetin rajonal duke mb\u00ebshtetur p\u00ebrparimin e t\u00eb dy vendeve kandidate. K\u00ebto ndryshime do t\u00eb zgjidhen n\u00eb minut\u00ebn e fundit gjat\u00eb mbledhjes s\u00eb ardhshme t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Ministrave dhe ndoshta edhe t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit Evropian.<\/p>\n

Pse ka pasiguri<\/strong>?<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Pasiguria deri m\u00eb 17 tetor ekziston ende p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb disa faktor\u00ebve q\u00eb shpesh trajtohen bashk\u00ebrisht, por q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e shteteve an\u00ebtare p\u00ebr fillimin e negociatave. Skepticizmi i shteteve an\u00ebtare p\u00ebr zgjerimin \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb numri faktor\u00ebsh, disa prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, pik\u00ebpamjet e integruara t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb mbi p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e zgjerimit t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm. Megjith\u00ebse p\u00ebrvojat e vendeve pranuese jan\u00eb larg nga p\u00ebrvojat uniforme, n\u00eb Union, dhe n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti n\u00eb disa nga vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha an\u00ebtare, ka pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi lidhur me sundimin e ligjit n\u00eb disa nga vendet e pranuara gjat\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Unionit, nd\u00ebrmjet 2004 dhe 2013. K\u00ebto diskutime jan\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura ngusht\u00eb me faktin se BE-ja nuk ka t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr identifikimin dhe sanksionimin e mosp\u00ebrputhjeve t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb sundimin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. N\u00eb disa prej viteve t\u00eb fundit gradualisht hapet debati p\u00ebr krijimin e nj\u00eb\u00a0instrumenti potencial p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim<\/a>, por duke pasur prasysh procesin e harmonizimit midis 28 vendeve an\u00ebtare, kjo padyshim shkon ngadal\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja e dyt\u00eb q\u00eb lidhet ngusht\u00eb me k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim \u00ebsht\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia me rezultatin e negociatave deri m\u00eb tani me vendet q\u00eb negociojn\u00eb aktualisht. Mali i Zi dhe Serbia kan\u00eb negociuar p\u00ebr 7 ose 5 vjet n\u00ebn metodologjin\u00eb e re t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, nga e cila pritej t\u00eb sigurohej nj\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrje e shtuar dhe kontroll mbi pik\u00ebrisht \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit. Sidoqoft\u00eb, n\u00ebse shikoni\u00a0raportet vjetore t\u00eb Komsionit Evropian<\/a>\u00a0dhe\u00a0Komunikimin p\u00ebr qasje kredibile n\u00eb zgjerim<\/a>, p\u00ebrparimi i k\u00ebtyre dy vendeve \u00ebsht\u00eb larg nga shembulli p\u00ebr vendet e tjera. Kjo lloj ngecje, padyshim ka shtyr\u00eb q\u00eb vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se si t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb metodologjin\u00eb e zgjerimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, procesi i zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb i ngarkuar me debatin e zgjerimit dhe thellimit q\u00eb po aktualizohet edhe n\u00eb fillimin e nj\u00eb cikli t\u00eb ri institucional n\u00eb BE q\u00eb nuk ka ardhur ende. Deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb muajti duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb votimi p\u00ebr p\u00ebrb\u00ebrjen e Komsionit Evropian p\u00ebr periudh\u00ebn e ardshme shtat\u00ebvje\u00e7are. Ai p\u00ebrballet me shum\u00eb sfida, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb trajtimin e daljes nga Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar, q\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr trazirave institucionale rezulton edhe me nj\u00eb\u00a0hendek n\u00eb buxhetin aktual t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb prej mesatarisht 12 p\u00ebr qind\u00a0<\/a>. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, institucionet e reja do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb merren me nj\u00eb mori sfidash me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballet Unioni, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb trajektoren afatgjat\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Cilat jan\u00eb argumentet tona para samitit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm<\/strong>?<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Argumentet e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb Veriore k\u00ebsaj rradhe, edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr situat\u00ebs komplekse, jan\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme dhe jan\u00eb paraqitur vazhdimisht para an\u00ebtareve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Ato p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb\u00a0Marr\u00ebveshjen e Presp\u00ebs<\/a>,\u00a0Marr\u00ebveshjen e Fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Mir\u00eb me Bullgarin\u00eb<\/a>, si dhe vler\u00ebsimin e\u00a0Komisionit Evropian nga raporti i majit t\u00eb vitit 2019,<\/a>\u00a0vit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vendi yn\u00eb ka arriutr padyshim rezultate m\u00eb t\u00eb mira lidhur me p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e sundimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, si dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal n\u00eb vitin 2018.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 an\u00ebs son\u00eb t\u00eb tregimit, faktor\u00ebt e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm krijojn\u00eb situat\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ne presim vendimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur negociatat, por edhe situat\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme politike n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb zhvillohen negociatat. Nga t\u00eb tre faktor\u00ebt, ka m\u00ebsime kryesore p\u00ebr tu m\u00ebsuar dhe zbatuar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb lidhje me pik\u00ebn e par\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb imazh i nj\u00eb vendi ku sundon ligji dhe ku nuk ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebristen sjelljet e disa prej vendeve an\u00ebtare q\u00eb aktualisht po diskutojn\u00eb ngritjen e nj\u00eb mekanizmi t\u00eb shkeljes s\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e leht\u00eb duke marr\u00eb parasysh dosien ton\u00eb, por \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb imazh t\u00eb vetvetes si nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb rritet dhe m\u00ebson nga gabimet e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, procesi yn\u00eb negociues ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohet kritereve edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb rrepta dhe monitorimit duke pasur parasysh p\u00ebrvojat e vendeve q\u00eb negociojn\u00eb aktualisht. K\u00ebto mekanizma p\u00ebrshkruhen n\u00eb vendimin e sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendur t\u00eb Bundestag-ut dhe me siguri do t’i shohim ato n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb negociatave e cila do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb kushtet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb zhvillojm\u00eb negociatat tona. Ne duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebto mekanizma t\u00eb rinj, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb edhe racional\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorim burimet e kufizuara n\u00eb dispozicionin ton\u00eb. K\u00ebtu, para s\u00eb gjithash, nevojiten burimet njer\u00ebzore dhe duhet t\u00eb identifikohen qart\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb zhvillimit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me parimet kryesore dhe ligjet e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, n\u00eb lidhje me t\u00eb ardhmen e BE-s\u00eb dhe reformat e saj t\u00eb brendshme, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb n\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb ta shohim dhe pozicionojm\u00eb veten si nj\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar i ulur n\u00eb tryez\u00ebn e vendimmarrjes sesa vet\u00ebm marr\u00ebs i atyre vendimeve. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00ebllimit ton\u00eb kryesor t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit, duhet t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb gjithashtu se si do t\u00eb kontribuojm\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpie t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb BE. Kjo ne na duket e larg\u00ebt, por si nj\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kujdesemi dhe t\u00eb kontribuojm\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb vizioni t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr Bashkimin Evropian q\u00eb shpesh ka qen\u00eb subjekt i polemikave dhe konflikteve sidomos n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Blogu u postua fillimisht n\u00eb ResPublica<\/a>
\nPhoto:\u00a0kfgo.com<\/a>
\n<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Procesi yn\u00eb i negociatave ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb subjekt i kritereve dhe monitorimit m\u00eb t\u00eb rrept\u00eb duke pasur parasysh p\u00ebrvojat e vendeve q\u00eb negociojn\u00eb aktualisht. K\u00ebto mekanizma p\u00ebrshkruhen n\u00eb vendimin e Bundestagut dhe ne me siguri do t’i shohim ato n\u00eb korniz\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb negociatave q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb kushtet n\u00ebn t\u00eb cilat ne […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":13856,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[191],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-13860","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-191"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nSamiti i ardsh\u00ebm i BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb: Fillimi i fundit apo fundi i fillimit t\u00eb aderimit t\u00eb vendit ton\u00eb? - EPI<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/epi.org.mk\/en\/post\/13860\/?lang=sq\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"mk_MK\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Samiti i ardsh\u00ebm i BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb: Fillimi i fundit apo fundi i fillimit t\u00eb aderimit t\u00eb vendit ton\u00eb? - EPI\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Procesi yn\u00eb i negociatave ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb subjekt i kritereve dhe monitorimit m\u00eb t\u00eb rrept\u00eb duke pasur parasysh p\u00ebrvojat e vendeve q\u00eb negociojn\u00eb aktualisht. 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